Working women in Pakistan

Significant debates have occurred detailing the profession (s) that women chose (or not) and the effects that such choice have on the larger Pakistani Society, both in terms of gender roles as well as economic market studies. Oxford University press seems to have made considerable strides in providing venues for such literature in the last few years. The two books reviewed here are amongst such works published by OUP Karachi. Both books are about women's professional careers. Fouzia Saeed's book Taboo (translated into Urdu as 'Klunk'), analyzes "the phenomenon of prostitution (not just as a sex worker but as a cultural professional) .... through it have looked at Pakistani society and its gender roles" (xix: 2001), while Mirza's work engages with data "engendering the embeddedness of market in society, by analyzing the interfaces which emerge into women's life world and the market due to women's entry into office jobs".

Saeed uses a primarily ethnographic approach to the subject, yet applies a narrative format that arguable allows for the material to be easily absorbed by a larger audience. The end product is highly informative, simultaneously being effortless to read. The accessibility of the narrative should not be equated to triviality. Saeed has clearly spent much time struggling with the subject matter prior to publication. She outlines the many difficulties she faced with "Pakistani Society's 'good people", specifically the 'civilized and cultured' people in our national bureaucracy"

The interviews and analysis provided by saeed focus on socialization of the people who work and live in Shahi Mohalla and power dynamics within that socioeconomic framework. The study was conducted over a 10 year period, and her work is saturated with self reflexive commentary. One glaringly obvious issue Saeed was not able to overcome was her biased and disparaging views of the miiile class pakistani women. The homogenous construction of the middle class is problematic, simultancously however, allowing a subculture of the Mohalla to exist freely in her work.

Saeed traces through the traditional practice of prostitution in South Asia (specifically in Pakistan) and illuminates the interconnections between performance theory and myths surrounding prostitution. In a valiant effort, she communicates the real people aspect, and demystifies the otherness of the  "cultural profession" practiced by prostitutes.

One of the most intriguing facets of the narrative is the issue of gender within Pakistani society. On the most basic level, the Mohalla is where the birth of a daughter is celebrated with more gusto than in mainstream Pakistani society where the female is the breadwinner, That sequence is juxtaposed with the complexity with which women are treated in the work force in mainstream Pakistani society, established and elaborated by Fouzia's own personal experiences discussed in the book. Lastly, one is left with a slight feeling that the book does not discuss the phenomenon of male prostitution that is on the rise in major centers all across Pakistan.

One might make the argument that female prostitution is based on a market exchange type model, where as long as there is a demand, there is a supply A demand for beautiful women, however does not only exist in these professional and employment circles. Jasmin Mirza's book Between Chador and the Market points out that "the integration of women into the office sector does not follow a homogenous pattern but includes the recruitment of women as skilled 'human resources', the two extremes" (Mirza 2002:153). She follows through with many examples of women being turned down for the job because they were not fair (light-skinned) enough, or the bosses saying " We want a pretty firl" (Mirza 2002: 152).

Mirza conducted her research in Lahore, Pakistan. Through her qualitative research methods, and interview heavy data, Mirza successfully achieved her goals set out in the beginning of her study. The focus is primaily on thirteen women, who represented somewhat 'typical' cases, which enabled Mirza to follow those specific women through a period of the study is well organized and builds sequentially through to the conclusion.

Mirza begins by a discussion of the institution of purdah and the meaning for the gender order in Pakistani Muslim culture. The first couple of chapters contextualize the life world that these women would experience – from kin relations, to non kin-based male associations. Having established the matrix from which these women may have emerged, Mirza conducts a clear sociological and statistical study of the urban labor market, specifically how it relates to female office workers.

The relation of lower-middle-class women into this labor market, and the multiple levels of their experience presented, after which Mirza provides a thought-provoking and well substantiated discussion of the manner in which office culture changes through the women's presence.